The only possible peace: the disarmament of Hamas and the assumption of responsibility by the Arab world
There is one firm point to start from in order to talk seriously about a possible peace between Israel and Palestine: Hamas must surrender and lay down its arms. On this, for the first time, even three of the main players in the Arab world – Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Egypt – seem to agree. Their initiative, made public in a joint communiqué, marks a first step in the right direction. But, on its own, it is not enough. If there is a real desire to build a future of peace and stability for the region, these same countries will have to assume real leadership and take charge, to the full, of Palestine’s nation-building process.
The demand that Hamas give up control of Gaza and accept disarmament is politically significant. For too long, the Arab world has allowed the Palestinian issue to be hijacked by extremist actors, or instrumentalised by regional powers such as Iran, interested more in destabilisation than peace. Today, the declaration by Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Egypt breaks this pattern and opens a new window. It is a clear recognition that Hamas can no longer be part of the solution: it is part of the problem.
But real peace – lasting, legitimate, sustainable peace – is not built just by taking away the weapons of those who use them to sow terror. It is built by offering a credible political alternative. And here the responsibility of the Arab world, as well as Israel, comes into play. If one really wants to give the Palestinian cause a prospect of redemption and dignity, Arab leaderships will have to go beyond words. Concrete actions are needed: a structured plan for the institutional transition in Gaza, the creation of an authoritative interim government, the start of a reconstruction process not only physical but also social, economic and administrative.
It is not just about sending aid or mediating between factions. It is about building, step by step, the pillars of a true Palestinian state. A state that has borders, institutions, internal security, administrative capacity and international representation. A state that is not an acronym, like the one that would arise from the pre-emptive recognitions evoked in the West, but a reality. And this requires a long-term strategic commitment on the part of the most influential Arab countries, capable of providing resources, legitimacy and guarantees.
Nor can one ignore the fact that the Palestinian National Authority, under the leadership first of Yasser Arafat and then of Mahmoud Abbas, has already had the opportunity in the past to engage in talks with Israel, obtaining important openings and yet offering insufficient answers. The failure of those negotiations has not only stopped the peace process: it has left room for the return of violence and radicalisation. It is from that history that we must learn.
Only then, only with a Palestine freed from the logic of militias and led by a responsible and representative leadership, will Israel have to and be able to deal with an equal partner. And at that point, the Jewish state will have to play its part, recognising the legitimate rights of the Palestinians and renouncing any claim to unilateral annexation of the disputed territories. These include both central areas like East Jerusalem, symbolically and historically charged with significance, as well as the more recent settlements in the West Bank, often considered illegal not only by the international community but also, in some cases, by Israeli justice itself.
It will have to treat the Palestinian state with respect, as a partner in security and coexistence. It will happen that within the borders of Palestine there will remain settlements of Israeli citizens, to whom security will have to be guaranteed but who will have to accept to live under Palestinian sovereignty, just as Israel already has a strong Arab minority to whom it guarantees rights and freedom. A complex and mature management.
But before we get to that point, the challenge is entirely internal to the Arab world. Without a real assumption of responsibility by the region’s big players, the initiative of these days will remain a mere declaration of intent. If this historic transition is to take place, then Europe, the United States and the rest of the international community will have to play their part in supporting it. But the centre of gravity of the process must be in the region. A region that, if it wishes, can turn tragedy into political opportunity.









