New balances, old ambiguities: Italy’s positioning in Europe
In an increasingly unstable international context, it is now trite to say that the European Union is faced with a choice that it can no longer put off: remain a spectator of global balances or become a geopolitical actor capable of making a real impact. From the war in Ukraine to the wars in the Middle East, via the relationship with the United States and the new dynamics in the Arctic, the international system has changed rapidly.
American influence and the ‘sovereignist international
The Trump administration’s isolationist positions – which wink at modern autocracies and reinforce the axis of the so-called ‘sovereignist international‘ – continue to be confirmed by news reports; this theme is inevitably intertwined with the war in Ukraine, which is the main test for European credibility, especially given the steady decline in US support.
Mixed signals from Eastern Europe
Joining these changes are new positive signals from within the Union, where young Hungarians have expressed in the streets and at the ballot box the demand for a greater anchoring in European values. On the other hand, it must be acknowledged that after eight early elections within five years, the most recent elections in Bulgaria saw Rumen Radev, former President of the Republic, triumph.
Bulgaria between Europe and Russia
Radev has never hidden his willingness to undertake policies of openness towards Russia, especially due to the country’s energy needs. This choice seems to run counter to the outcome of the elections and the street demonstrations in Hungary; however, we will have to wait until the new government is fully operational to see if the EU will have a new internal enemy. It should be noted, however, that Bulgarian public opinion still appears to be largely pro-EU, also in light of the substantial European funds from which the Balkan state benefits; therefore, the new Bulgarian government should not represent an obstacle to European policies comparable to that of Orbán.

Italy’s strategic role
As the Eurozone’s third-largest economy and a founding country of the Union,Italy should take on a role that is anything but marginal and should help guide European choices, especially in key areas such as foreign policy and defence; however, this requires a clear vision and a coherent political will, capable of overcoming short-term logics.
Italy’s gradual repositioning: between public opinion, elections, and global scenarios
As a result of the ongoing criticism, there is a growing need for our country not to oscillate between support for the EU and direct and indirect political support for the current US administration. In recent months, however, there are signs of a slow but significant Italian repositioning, which seems to be progressively distancing itself from some of the previous convergences with Donald Trump and the international sovereignist axis.
Political pressure and public opinion
This change is influenced by relevant symbolic and political dynamics, such as the recent clash between the American President and Pope Leo, which has politically cornered the Meloni government, and contributed to reigniting an internal debate on democratic values and, finally, also on the limits to the utterances of certain political leaders. In this context, the Government appears to feel with increasing urgency the need to realign itself with a more pro-European perspective, albeit not a federal one. However, this shift seems to be driven by a public opinion that is increasingly hostile to the American administration, as well as by the approaching 2027 general elections, and by the need to avoid isolation within a Union that is seeking new forms of political cohesion. Among these, there is a marked rapprochement with the United Kingdom, closer cooperation among the major member states—each led by pro-European governments, albeit of different political orientations—and an effort to distance itself from positions adopted on the other side of the Atlantic.
The Hungarian case as a European paradigm
Reinforcing this picture is what happened in Hungary, where the defeat of the forerunner of the sovereignist ideology and illiberal democracy, Viktor Orbán, represents a major political step.
Mobilisation and political change
Orbán, who was openly supported during the election campaign by Italian centre-right figures such as Giorgia Meloni and Matteo Salvini, was defeated first and foremost thanks to the mobilisation of a large and transversal movement of young people who did not want their country to drift further and further away from the EU, both as an institution in itself and in terms of the standards of the rule of law it guarantees.
Participation and democratic values
This movement has channelled its support to the Tisza party and its leader Peter Magyar, who has garnered indirect support from Magyar parties with similar centre-right, centre-left and liberal parties, all united by a common desire to put an end to an increasingly illiberal, anti-European system close to Putin and Trump.
Italy between risk and opportunity
Popular participation played a decisive role; not only did it represent a civilised response to a political model considered distant from European democratic principles, but it also demonstrated how a broad and pluralist coalition can effectively counter authoritarian drifts.
The role of pro-European associations
For Italy, these events represent both a warning and an opportunity. On the one hand, they highlight the risks for the future of an excessive proximity to political models that are incompatible with the European project; on the other, they open up space for renewed leadership that is more consistent with the Union’s founding values.
European participation and awareness
In this scenario, the role ofpro-European associations also becomes central: it is precisely from civil society that can emerge the drive needed to strengthen European identity, promote democratic participation and support a more united Europe that is a leading player on the global stage.
A federation of Europeanist associations
Through cultural initiatives, information campaigns and moments of public confrontation, they can contribute to bridging the gap between European institutions and citizens. These activities can help clarify for citizens what is truly at stake in foreign and security policy decisions, as well as illustrate what it means to be European in terms of values, explaining how the transfer of a portion of sovereignty to the EU is the only way for Italy to play a central role in a global context characterized by rapid and unpredictable shifts in political positions and strategic alliances.
A democratic garrison for the future
The appeal to all these realities is therefore to collaborate more and more, creating a large ‘federation’ of pro-European associations. Such opportunities are multiplying, starting with Casa Europa—the congress of Europeanists promoted by L’Europeista itself—as well as through new forms of collaboration, including academic initiatives, which are set to emerge in the near future.
Civil society associations can exert constructive pressure on both national and continental politics, firmly calling on political parties to adopt consistent and clearly pro-European positions, capable of strengthening the unity of the Union rather than pursuing illiberal models or diplomatic ambiguities. In an era in which the temptation to follow external lines or adapt to short-term balances—although somewhat diminished compared to the past—remains strong, these associations represent a democratic safeguard and a stimulus for active and informed participation, guiding the country toward the only lifeboat from irrelevance: Europe.









