Costa Rica, long considered Central America’s oasis of democratic stability, experienced a change of era in the last elections that goes beyond the ballot box. The victory of 39-year-old Laura Fernández Delgado indicates a turning point: it is a response to growing concerns about security and crime, and reflects a political point of view that recalls, more or less explicitly, approaches seen elsewhere in the region, starting with El Salvador itself.

The face of the new president and the electoral map in the country

Laura Virginia Fernández Delgado is officially the new president-elect of the Republic of Costa Rica, having emerged victorious in the first round with around 48.3 per cent of the valid votes, easily surpassing the necessary threshold of 40 per cent to avoid a runoff.

Belonging to the conservative and populist-oriented Partido Pueblo Soberano (PPSO), Fernández became the second woman in the country’s history to hold the office of president. Supported by outgoing president Rodrigo Chaves Robles, who by constitution could not run again, hers was a race dominated by a clear message: security, public order and continuity with the previous government agenda.

His main opponent, Álvaro Ramos of the National Liberation Party, obtained around 33% of the vote, confirming that the electorate decided to reward the project of change proposed by Fernández. But which project are we talking about specifically?

Security and legality, a winning narrative

The central theme throughout the campaign was public safety, perceived by citizens as the country’s main vulnerability. After years in which Costa Rica distinguished itself by having some of the lowest crime rates in Latin America, the rise in homicides and the expansion of drug-related violence have undermined that perception of tranquillity. According to preliminary data, the number of murders exceeded 800 in the most recent period, breaking with the country’s historical tradition.

Fernández has therefore made the fight against crime his warhorse, proposing strong measures such as the declaration of states of emergency in areas affected by violence, the adoption of harsher punishments, and the construction of a mega maximum security prison to isolate the leaders of criminal organisations, openly following a model that looks to El Salvador and its Centre of Confinement for Terrorism (CECOT).

Indeed, in a phone call with Nayib Bukele, president of El Salvador, Fernández confirmed his intention to maintain a ‘fraternal axis‘ with San Salvador for technical advice in prison construction and the fight against organised crime. This type of cooperation, although still embryonic, has been welcomed by many voters who see in Bukele’s model an example of an effective response to violence.

On the other hand, the San José-San Salvador axis has previous roots. Already last year, a high-profile meeting between Costa Rican President Rodrigo Chaves and Nayib Bukele had laid the foundations of the ‘Escudo de las Américas’ project , a regional cooperation framework on security and the fight against organised crime. A precedent that makes the current understanding less improvised and more consistent over time.

Beyond security: economy, infrastructure and continuity

While placing strong emphasis on crime, Fernández has also integrated economic and development issues into his platform. His agenda proposes maintaining the current fiscal discipline, promoting economic growth, attracting investment and modernising infrastructure such as ports, airports, road networks and digital connectivity.

In the social sphere, his programme focuses on theefficiency of public institutions, reforms of pension systems and state monopolies, as well as a moderate approach to political and bureaucratic costs.

Democratic legitimacy and criticism

Fernández’s victory was not without its critical aspects. Indeed, many opposition representatives expressed fears about a possible weakening of democratic institutions if the new government tried to extend its powers too far, e.g. through broader states of emergency or constitutional amendments.

Critics, including historical figures such as former president Óscar Arias, have warned that significant changes in the constitution could pave the way for excessive executive authority.

Fernández, however, declared in his post-election speech that he would respect the rule of law, stating that democracy and freedom would be pillars of his government.

The absence of an army and the new role of security

One element that distinguishes Costa Rica above all profoundly from other countries in the region is the basic lack of a standing army, abolished since 1948 and replaced by police and internal security forces. This peculiar institutional context poses additional challenges to the promises of the ‘hard fist’: without a national armed force, solutions must rely on international cooperation, police reform and the strengthening of intelligence agencies.

A new congress and the balance of power

In addition to the presidency, Fernández’s PPSO gained a substantial representation in the Legislative Assembly, with 31 out of 57 seats, the largest majority since 1982 for a single formation. While not achieving a supermajority, this position will give the new government ample room for manoeuvre to legislate on security, judicial organisation and economic reforms, albeit requiring negotiations on more sensitive issues such as the constitution or the expansion of executive powers.

Open questions and regional impact

Laura Fernández’s victory opens an entirely new and question-laden phase for San José. The promise of a change of pace on security will have to contend with a structural knot in the country: how to strengthen public order without undermining the rights and guarantees that have defined Costa Rican democratic identity for so many years.

At the same time, the new course will have inevitable repercussions abroad, from the relationship with Washington to the enhanced cooperation with El Salvador, which is being watched very closely by allies and critics alike.

In a country without an army, the real challenge will be to demonstrate that security and the rule of law are not incompatible objectives, but two elements of the same balance to be reconstructed. And it is precisely on this terrain that the new president’s political project will be put to the test.